CommonSpace columnist Jordan Daly says the 2017 UK hung parliament is a sign of a new politics thanks to Jeremy Corbyn, and Scottish Labour should take note
LET ME start by saying this: Jeremy Corbyn has defied all expectations and, fundamentally, he can now claim to have run a successful campaign.
In such a short period of time, he has emerged from the shadows as a man whom “we hardly ever saw” – as my grandad articulated yesterday – to become the serene voice of socialist ideals on a mainstream platform.
From the Labour manifesto to his rapturous public appearances, Corbyn has projected real leftwing values and policies into the national social psyche: a first for 21st century Britain.
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This General Election was to be defined by Brexit, everyone knew that. Indeed, when it was called, I rolled my eyes and let out a knowing sigh. Here we were again, deep in the midst of a campaign wherein nothing but the leftovers from prior referenda would be discussed.
I’d assumed that policy points from education to health would be diluted, in lieu of empty debate over which forefront candidate could negotiate the best deal with the European Union. I was wrong.
Despite Theresa May’s arduous efforts, this campaign did not have an overbearing focus on Brexit – rather; education, health, national security and policing emerged as the central policy platforms upon which candidates scrutinised and attempted to position themselves around.
While events have encouraged a tonal shift, the impact of the Labour manifesto leak cannot be understated in manipulating the discourse. Overnight, we were talking about nationalisation, free tuition and corporation tax. It was an unexpected twist in a largely dull election campaign and it has – quite clearly – had a massive impact.
Corbynism has claimed centre stage and, 25 years since Francis Fukuyama infamously declared the “end of history”, what we have witnessed over the last couple of months is the reignition of ideology in an era which has been, until now, entirely post-political.
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Since Thatcher’s neoliberal onslaught and Blair’s consequential propagation of third way politics, our General Elections have consistently occurred within an increasingly blurred political spectrum; where the left intertwined with the right and met somewhere in the middle.
The historical battle of ideology appeared to have been won by the centre and, as our politics moved further away from ‘isms’, we began to find ourselves collectively dissatisfied.
We all know the symptoms of widespread political disillusionment; from apathy to lack of engagement – but, in a nutshell, we have routinely experienced what I often like to call the “they’re all the same” phenomenon.
To the everyday voter, it didn’t matter what prospective parties stated in their manifestos – they’d still be budgeting, repaying debts, cutting back on their weekly shopping, working their nine-to-five, worrying about their children’s future. It didn’t matter who they voted for, because their day-to-day life would not change.
Their prospects would remain neutered, their matrix of monotony would stay intact. Politics became a pantomime of complexity, a myriad of broken promises and empty slogans.
From the Labour manifesto to his rapturous public appearances, Corbyn has projected real leftwing values and policies into the national social psyche: a first for 21st century Britain.
Are they left wing, are they right wing? Somewhere in the middle? They couldn’t tell you, because they were unable to find natural alignment in an atmosphere of quasi sameness.
An arena of similarity is often inadvertently encouraging difference and, so, when something offering a glimmer of change comes along to disrupt that stubborn hegemony, it results in mass movements; bursting with hope, engagement and creativity. Movements which the political elite cannot predict nor dissuade.
Voters want the chance to alter their destiny, but until they are offered it, they won’t be enthusiastic.
In Scotland, we’ve already had our moment, and it will re-emerge. The Yes movement spiralled into something unexpected; a campaign which initially projected centrist nationalism soon grew to be a space full of leftwing ideas.
A post-political condition is defined by the sentiment that “there is no alternative” to neoliberal capitalism, to the dominant socio-political climate. Yet, in 2014, it suddenly felt like there was. Why? Ideology.
Just as Blairism has defined Labour since the nineties; I will take a gamble here and state that so, too, will Corbynism from here on out.
Transfer this model to Occupy, Sanders, Podemos, Syriza. Now think of Corbyn and Momentum. Can you see the similarities? The mundane politics which we have been acclimatised to for over a decade is collapsing. The crucial factor in this is that electoral success or failure is not the end game.
Scotland’s independence referendum lit a lasting spark in many previously disenfranchised voters and they will not slumber again. Forgive me, but they will not simply eat their cereal anymore.
Indeed, the same is true for Corbyn. His impact upon political discourse will not fade, because the movement underpinning him is energised and passionate – brimming with ideological prospects for Britain’s future: prospects pillared on leftwing ideals; prospects which are needed now more than ever, given the result.
Just as Blairism has defined Labour since the nineties; I will take a gamble here and state that so, too, will Corbynism from here on out.
For the first time in a generation, we have just witnessed a rapid General Election which has had an ideological dichotomy at its core. Left or right – that was the option facing the electorate across the rest of the United Kingdom yesterday, and it has never been this blunt.
In a move which no one would have predicted just two days ago, Scottish Labour has been somewhat revived in the national context.
Yet, what transpires is just as important as what has happened to date; how the Parliamentary Labour Party reacts to Corbyn will be a crucial component in sustaining the momentum which he has generated.
It would be foolish to attempt a coup; the “unelectable” Corbyn has undoubtedly galvanised a voter base, founded upon purely socialist principles. Labour can only win from the centre? I don’t think so.
Corbyn’s performance has been extraordinary; not only was it unprecedented and not only has he reintroduced acute ideology to British political discourse – but he has also managed to penetrate and collapse the constitutional limbo under which Scottish politics has been operating since 2014.
In a move which no one would have predicted just two days ago, Scottish Labour has been somewhat revived in the national context.
In this respect; just how the Scottish Labour party responds, henceforth, will be key to its own future. It now has to be incredibly careful. Yes, it has increased its vote share, but this has been a consequence of the fact that many of Scotland’s pro-independence left have opted to vote for them this time – because of Corbyn.
I cannot be more blunt: this is not about independence, this is about leftwing principles, which have always been popular with the Scottish electorate. This is about Jeremy Corbyn.
Many of the same voters who elected new Scottish Labour MPs yesterday would vote Yes to Scottish independence, should they be given the option. To spin this success as being indicative of any anti-independence sentiment would be nothing but short-sighted and damaging for the party’s long term prospects.
I cannot be more blunt: this is not about independence, this is about leftwing principles, which have always been popular with the Scottish electorate. This is about Jeremy Corbyn.
Herein, let me pause for a moment of reflection on the SNP’s performance and what it means for the independence movement. Firstly, the omnipresent rhetoric that “independence is dead” is simply that – rhetoric.
As a soundbite, it works well in that it will capture headlines; but, in reality, it is empty. The reality is that, despite the best efforts of almost all Scottish political parties to transform this unrelated General Election into an indyref trial run, this was never about independence.
Corbyn’s clarion call has punctured that narrative in many respects. Without getting too obviously analytical; the Scottish Parliament has already made itself clear on this issue, and that has to be respected. The SNP losses signal nothing more than a move away from the constitutional fixation at a UK-wide level.
By embracing Corbynism and positioning itself around ideology, Scottish Labour can begin to edge away from being perceived as hardcore unionists, in favour of vivid leftism.
Pragmatism appears to have prevailed: the truth is that sending more SNP MPs to Westminster would not have guaranteed a second referendum, and I honestly believe that many voters chose to look beyond that as they sought to give a mandate to one of the parties which could realistically form a government.
Indeed, with this in mind, Scottish Labour would be wise to look past the constitutional question, too. By embracing Corbynism and positioning itself around ideology, it can begin to edge away from being perceived as hardcore unionists, in favour of vivid leftism.
Scottish Labour’s success is, ultimately, a result of Corbyn’s success. He has offered the party an unexpected get out of jail card, should it be clever about it. I can only hope that it will use it but, if initial commentary is anything to go by, I don’t quite think that this has dawned on some of its notable figureheads as of yet.
Alas, we find ourselves in an interesting predicament. Corbyn’s influence across the rest of the United Kingdom has been fairly obvious and clear cut – that is to say; no one would coherently argue that Corbyn’s success was the consequence of any sort of staunch position on Brexit.
Yet, here in Scotland we are being introduced to the predictable narrative that Scottish Labour’s success signals a blow-back against a second independence referendum. This is absolutely not the case.
Scottish Labour’s success is, ultimately, a result of Corbyn’s success. He has offered the party an unexpected get out of jail card, should it be clever about it.
Prior to polling day, one of the key debates which dominated political circles within the Scottish left was whether to vote Labour for principles or the SNP for tactics.
The intriguing aspect here is that Corbynism, as an ideology and thus a series of policies, has managed to capture the imagination and attention of an otherwise disengaged electorate which could not immediately recognise the differences between Scottish Labour and Corbyn’s Labour down south.
My cousins, for example, were both massive Yes advocates – and they chose to vote for Corbyn. That phenomenon, in itself, will prove to be beneficial for Scottish Labour, but only if it chooses to embrace it.
If it seizes this moment and positions itself firmly within the ideological framework which Corbyn has presented to the nation, it would work wonders for its continued revival.
I have often argued, albeit privately, that the best hope for Scottish Labour would be to firmly return to its leftwing base and begin to depart from its unionist stranglehold.
Let me be absolutely clear: should this transpire, as someone who has remained completely disinterested in involving himself with party politics – I could join Scottish Labour.
Let me be absolutely clear: should this transpire, as someone who has remained completely disinterested in involving himself with party politics – I could join Scottish Labour.
Admittedly, this piece was written twice. Yesterday afternoon, prior to the exit polls, I quickly put my thoughts together. The crux of my analysis at that point was that ideology had returned to British politics – a feat which I remain convinced of.
I concluded that while I would not predict the result of the election, the impulsive reactionary in me believed that a hung parliament may be likely.
At the same time, the pragmatist was preparing for a slight Tory majority. Indeed, the butterflies in my stomach and the innate hope which I quietly clung to for the last few weeks have prevailed.
I believed in my heart, and against all logic, that change could prevail – and I hadn’t felt like that since the eve of the Scottish independence referendum.
Corbyn has had a lasting impact – not only on this election, nor our current discourse but on the future of our political narrative.
In 2014, I learned to distrust that sentiment. This time, it has been realised – momentarily. Theresa May will undoubtedly resign, and I’m mentally preparing to sound the terror claxon because th prospect of a Tory/DUP coalition, in whichever form, is too horrific to even comprehend today.
I need coffee, sleep and some perspective before I can succumb to that likely outcome.
Whether he manages to form a convincing issue-by-issue progressive alliance; Corbyn has had a lasting impact – not only on this election, nor our current discourse but on the future of our political narrative. Leftwing ideas no longer simply manifest in West End pubs or on the fringes of national politics.
He has destroyed the post-politics of contemporary Britain and ensured that ideology is back. That, in itself, is worth applauding.
Picture courtesy of Ren
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