Leigh Wilson says it isn't surprising that people are flocking to far right movements, but argues that there is another way
AFTER the initial pangs of angst following the Brexit vote last month, I think it is important to pause for thought and see the wider picture of where Scotland is socially and globally at the moment.
Most of us now take for granted that, much like in the Scottish independence referendum, a great many of those supporting the status quo in the EU referendum could not conceive they were actually going to be on the losing side of the result.
So surreal were people's concerns with the EU, so scared were they into believing the prospects outside were so perilous, it was inconceivable they would ever vote to Leave. Except, however, we live in highly inconceivable times.
Throughout the continent of Europe, and indeed the globe, there is a widespread dissatisfaction with a political establishment which is increasingly giving rise to extreme populist thinking. This occasionally benefits the left, but unfortunately more often than not, power has fallen to those on the far right.
Throughout the continent of Europe, and indeed the globe, there is a widespread dissatisfaction with a political establishment which is increasingly giving rise to extreme populist thinking.
The great phenomenon with many of these insurgent movements sweeping across the world, though, is that they are truly neither left nor right. The debates they are inciting are not specifically bound to either capitalism or socialism.
Our politics has to reflect this new dichotomy. Do we accept we live in an increasingly interconnected, interdependent world and try and make it work? Or do we pretend that the rest of the world doesn't exist and if we just close our eyes and lock the door, then all our economic problems will be solved?
Think of human psychology: when we are most afraid, insecure and uncertain about the future, what is our initial reaction? "I want to go home." The answer to the key challenges we face today, though, is not to "go home" to a halcyon period in history that never really existed, it is to work together to collectively improve the world we live in.
If we are to reduce inequality and spread the benefits of globalisation more evenly, then we have to adapt for this century and keep the progressive ball moving forward.
Make no mistake, I have no qualms that one of, if not the, driving force behind these movements across Europe is the globalisation that has gradually changed the way our economies operate.
Many people do not know what globalisation means but they know their world is changing. They can see the decline in traditional jobs for modestly educated children and they are fearful of the future. We know this all to well in in the UK and we still bear the scars of deindustrialisation in many parts of the country, with an export economy now too reliant on banking and services.
The great phenomenon with many of these insurgent movements sweeping across the world, though, is that they are truly neither left nor right. The debates they are inciting are not specifically bound to either capitalism or socialism.
Because people are concerned with declining wages and job insecurity, of course there is an attraction to some in voting for a demagogue with appealing slogans and easy solutions, as we have seen in America with the rise of Trump.
Easy solutions will not make the globalised economy and technology disappear, though. If we really want to transform our country and raise wages for everyone, we have to re-tool our economy for the 21st century and make globalisation work for all.
We have to utilise the digital revolution to create better, high-wage jobs; we have to invest in renewables to create a revolution in our energy sector, and we have to fund technology companies to expand and provide jobs in areas that have been hit hardest by years of neglect. To make the changes required, we need ingenuity and leadership.
Where does Scotland fit into this? Well, the curious thing about Scotland is that we are bucking the trend of 'closed' parties gaining traction across Europe by recently electing, once again, an 'open' SNP government which is outward looking in nature, and committed to European integration.
At the recent Scottish election in May, not one of the mainstream parties supported Brexit while the anti-EU Ukip gained just two per cent of the vote. Even the Scottish Conservatives support Remain and dare not speak about immigration in a way we too often hear from their UK counterparts. Scotland, electorally at least, is one of the most Europhile nations in the continent.
Our politics has to reflect this new dichotomy. If we are to reduce inequality and spread the benefits of globalisation more evenly, then we have to adapt for this century and keep the progressive ball moving forward.
Why the drastic difference? Are the people of Scotland so uniquely different to England, who just a few weeks ago voted for Brexit; or Austria, who in May came precariously close to electing a neo-fascist as president; or indeed Sweden, where anti-EU forces are gaining traction, too? While the economies of these countries are naturally all divergent, the answer to the question is probably no.
Leadership starts from above. The only way to successfully counter regressive populism is to challenge it at its source, and offer real solutions rather than slogans to address the problems we face.
In Britain's Brexit shambles, which was characterised by having little or no leadership on either side, we desperately needed for one of our politicians to show some direction. Nicola Sturgeon, in the months leading up to the EU referendum, not only laid out the positive case for voting Remain but also laid out solutions for addressing some of the problems of concern: greater discretion for member states over health and social policy, further support for business, and strengthening the support for refugees.
The morning after the result, she held a symbolic press conference at Bute House, where, among other things, she declared that EU nationals were welcome and valued citizens of Scotland. Nobody now doubts, out of all the personalities leading the referendum campaign, that Sturgeon was the one politician showing real leadership.
This is crucially important, not least because an absence of positive leadership creates a vacuum which extremists manoeuvre into and exploit for their own gain. It is a concern, therefore, that so few of our politicians are dealing with the big questions of globalisation and how we make an economy for the 21st century.
If we are to wrestle support away from the 'closed-door' radicals in Europe and promote progressive ideas once again, it has to start with leadership from our politicians.
If we are to wrestle support away from the 'closed-door' radicals in Europe and promote progressive ideas once again, it has to start with leadership from our politicians.
It will come as no surprise to any that I believe the challenges of today can best be faced with a progressive independent Scotland that looks out to the world instead of retracting inwards, that promotes diplomacy on the global stage rather than division, that utilises the opportunities of the future to compensate for the failures of the past.
The country I want to build must create alliances rather than burn bridges, and yes, it must place a greater emphasis on love rather than hate.
Picture courtesy of Scottish Government
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