Ross Ahlfeld, who has a keen interest in catholic social teaching and old Christian socialism, says Scotland's gaze is often distracted by perceived solidarities between it and places like Catalonia when there are political lessons to be learned elsewhere
WHEN I was a kid we used to go to the Costa del Sol for our holidays like most people, but one year when I was about 10 years old my folks decided that we were all going to go to Oostende in Flanders instead of Spain.
It seemed like an odd choice at the time, but I recall that we had a really great family holiday and in later life I returned to the region many times. The only drawback was the fact that I became the only lad in my class running about in an obscure Club Brugge shirt rather than the de rigueur (Steve Archibald era) Barcelona kit which I’d sported at PE in previous terms.
My thoughts turned again to both Barca and Brugge recently while observing the fact that it is very much the case that the Scottish independence movement’s closest comrades in struggle are now the Catalonians. And it seems like the feeling is mutual since only a few weeks ago we learned that FC Barcelona fans had planned to waive Scottish saltires at the Copa del Rey final before the ban on Catalonian flags in the stadium was eventually overturned.
To be fair, the appeal of growing solidarity with the Catalonians is perfectly understandable since Catalonia is cool and as cultural icons go, linking up with Barcelona is much more glamorous than building links with somewhere like Quebec or Kurdistan.
To be fair, the appeal of growing solidarity with the Catalonians is perfectly understandable since Catalonia is cool and as cultural icons go, linking up with Barcelona is much more glamorous than building links with somewhere like Quebec or Kurdistan.
However, I’m not so sure our economic similarities or cultural ties with Catalonia are really all that strong. I would argue that this honour really must go to the ancient and autonomous region known as Flanders and our cousins, the Flemings, who live there.
I say cousins because various estimates claim that possibly as many as a third of all modern Scots might have at least some Flemish ancestry. This is due mainly to the fact that as far back as 1587 the original Scottish Parliament passed an Act which gave legal support to Flemish weavers coming to Scotland.
Similarly, many Scots have settled in the Low Countries and so this centuries old relationship has impacted on everything from our Scots language to the fish we eat, the beer we drink and the houses we live in.
More so, Flanders' current constitutional arrangement within Belgium is much more like Scotland’s position within the UK than any similarities our devolved parliament might have with other regions around Europe. The problem many Scottish nationalists had with folks from the Flemish movement at the various indy rallies leading up to the indyref was the fact that the Flemish movement isn’t entirely leftwing and nor are all Flemings seeking full independence from Belgium or a total split from Wallonia.
But such reservations ignore the fact that, like Scotland, the Christian Workers Movement in Flanders was founded on Christian values.
However, I’m not so sure our economic similarities or cultural ties with Catalonia are really all that strong. I would argue that this honour really must go to the ancient and autonomous region known as Flanders and our cousins, the Flemings, who live there.
For example, the great catholic socialist and early Scottish labour movement leader John Wheatley preached a form of Christian socialism through the influence of Father Peter Terken – 1879 to 1914 the Parish Priest at Saint Bridget’s in Baillieston who came from the Low Countries.
Fr Terken’s political ideas were inspired by the social papal encyclical, Rerum Novarum, which in turn then had a profound influence on Wheatley; the same can be said of Father Octavius F Claeys who was a priest at Holy Cross in Croy.
Equally, in Flanders itself at the end of the 19th century, working conditions in Belgian factories were appalling. Wages were extremely low, people often had to work more than 14 hours a day and child labour was generally accepted. But it was a catholic priest, Adolf Daens, and his brother Pieter Daens, a publisher, who strongly advocated workers’ rights in Aalst.
Also, inspired by the first social papal encyclical, Rerum Novarum, both men strongly championed the Christian Workers Union. Adolf Daens understood that, to be relevant, he had to operate on a political level. He therefore established the Christian People’s Party (Christene Volkspartij) and stood in the General Election of 1884, in which he won his seat.
The party’s main objective was to make the catholic party more democratic, social and radical. Although its success remained isolated and fragmented, the party formed an important basis for the foundation of the Christian Democrat Movement. Its growing influence within the Catholic Party forced the latter to move to the left, which was supported by the Belgian bishops.
Flanders' current constitutional arrangement within Belgium is much more like Scotland’s position within the UK than any similarities our devolved parliament might have with other regions around Europe.
After World War II, the Christian People’s Party (Christelijke Volkspartij), a centre party, was established out of the Catholic Party. During its first General Election (1946) the party immediately won the largest number of seats in parliament. For me, many aspects of this Flemish model of Christian democracy and the economics of subsidiarity within a federalist system now offers us the best way forward for our own Scottish trade union and labour movement as well as our Scottish Parliament.
As my good friend from Flanders, PhD Candidate, Blue Labour blogger, analyst and Christian democrat Jeroen Jans writes: "Since then, the Christelijke Volkspartij has implemented social reforms and pushed the agenda for more regional autonomy. Essential to its ideology are intermediary structures and the principle of subsidiarity.
"The focus on intermediary structures means that Flemish Christian democrats favour consultations between groups who represent the workers, employers and farmers before the proposals are brought before Parliament."
He goes on to point out that another essential element of its ideology is personalism, which emphasises the uniqueness of God and every human person. As a consequence, it gives a central role to the dignity of the human person, thereby acknowledging that all people are always in a relationship with one another.
These relations are needed to achieve the common good. Therefore, one might say that we are always dependent on one another. Another essential element of these human persons is their free will. This partly explains the importance of grassroots organisations, in which people develop relations.
Yet even as an outsider, Jeroen correctly observes that we are trapped between two highly centralising parliaments when he points out that: "It is becoming ever more apparent that there is a growing unease about Westminster’s control over the countries, which together form the United Kingdom.
The problem many Scottish nationalists had with folks from the Flemish movement was the fact that the Flemish movement isn’t entirely leftwing and nor are all Flemings seeking full independence from Belgium or a total split from Wallonia.
"That the people’s annoyance is shown by a recent article in The Economist, which stated that the UK is the most centralised state in Europe. In another article from the same magazine, Britain was labelled a 'nanny state'. The annoyance with Westminster’s meddling is probably most strongly felt in Scotland, for the Scottish public, Westminster has become a bubble. It perceives the UK Parliament as far removed from their everyday lives and inefficient in responding effective to Scottish concerns."
Or in other words, rather than always seeking concessions from either Holyrood or Westminster or the state or the market, we suggest that power should always rest with the lowest possible institution and that issues should only be dealt with by higher authorities, when they are too big for the lower authority.
It’s also worth pointing out that Rise, Solidarity and a Corbyn-inspired left-leaning Labour party all took a right good hiding in the last election. This was in some part due to a total lack of any new or creative ideas coming from within the Scottish left.
And so the Scottish labour movement has to now try and seek out other solutions. As reported on CommonSpace, Labour is already exploring the radical idea of an autonomous Scottish Labour Party which would be independent of Westminster.
Yes, we hear talk about following Scandinavian models, but we aren’t Denmark or Norway, these are independent countries with entirely different economies and cultures from ours and we aren’t going to be independent anytime soon.
So in the meantime, I’d suggest that the idea of an autonomous Labour party coupled with a serious commitment to a more federalist union similar to Flanders' federalist constitutional monarchy is now Labour’s best option.
But such reservations ignore the fact that, like Scotland, the Christian Workers Movement in Flanders was founded on Christian values.
And it is from within this new context that we can then look to Flanders for new ideas. As Jeroen observes: "Something which many Flemish Christian democrats championed was more Flemish autonomy. For Flemish Christian democrats, improving the lives of workers went hand in hand with devolution which is in line with their emphasis on subsidiarity."
It seems clear to me that by embracing the principles of subsidiarity, our own Scottish labour movement can once again find some new appeal in Scotland. Finally, Jeroen goes on to say: "In order to come to the common good, people must come together. Central to its ideas, are the notions of mutuality, reciprocity and solidarity."
I could not agree more. We are both convinced that the future of the wider Scottish labour movement within our devolved Scottish Parliament and Flemish Christian democracy share a common basis in catholic social teaching.
Both movements have the ability to embrace intermediary structures, subsidiarity and personalism (or reciprocity, solidarity and mutuality). What catholic social teaching, John Wheatley, Adolf Daens and Flemish Christian democracy all hold in common is an emphasis on the common good, and its conviction that giving people control over their situations, will empower them in their strive for a brighter future.
I believe that this is the way forward for Scotland and perhaps even the answer to Scottish left’s woes.
Picture courtesy of Simon Huggins
Check out what people are saying about how important CommonSpace is. Pledge your support today.
